Such a state cannot discriminate against any religious group or impose a uniform pattern among its citizens. Consequently, there was on the one hand, a universal and abstract appeal to transcend primordial loyalties that stand in the way of full equality, while on the other, concrete interests and groups they represented appeared frag- mented.
In addition to making the new state reflect the diverse interests of society, they also assigned primacy to the state in the whole process of nation-building. The state intervention in the economy was not merely to invest, rapidly accumulate capital or protect domestic capital; its overall goal was to bring about far reaching transformations through a policy of affirmative action.
However in the process of nation-building many indigenous models of governing were marginalised. Many people suffered in the hands of nation-building efforts to suppress or assimilate culturally distinct peoples. In the last two decades, challenges to the state have come from at least three sources: first is the process of globalisation and economic reforms leading to liberalisation and withdrawal of the state from the economy; second, the emergence of multiple political identities that question the idea of the nation.
Along with this is the rise of a discourse of civil society defined substantially in terms of non-governmental organisations aspiring to take on the developmental functions that had so far been the concern of the Indian state Jayal These challenges raise an intriguing set of questions raised in the beginning of this chapter: what if any, is the relation between these developments, globalisation, state sovereignty and democratic citizenship?
Furthermore, if there is a relationship what are the lines of causality? Are they necessary effects of globalisation? Economic Reforms and the Nation State The Indian state is confronted since by economic globalisation that involves not only flows of finance, capital investment, technology and labour but also an expanding web of transnational regulatory institutions Sachs et al.
The introduction of economic reforms by the Congress government under Narasimha Rao in was due to the gross fiscal deficit of the Central Government and the problem of external indebtedness. The reforms in India followed a gradual approach by focusing in the first phase macroeconomic stabilisation and in the second phase, simultaneous reforms of industrial policy, trade and exchange rate policies, along with tax reforms, financial sector reforms and public sector reforms. Most significantly, in addition to stabilisation measures, structural reforms were introduced that reduced the extent to which the public sector controlled and influenced the private sector.
While foreign-based Indian economists like Jagdish Bhagwati or Deepak Lal have been advocating neo-classical economics on which the globalised vision of the world of the s was founded, India-based scholars see globalisation as a process that states must try to adjust but also critique Kothari , Patnaik Kothari claims that the legitimacy and authority of the nation state has been eroded by globalisation Some of the scholars view the emergence of a new form of international finance capital as serving the interests of neo-liberalism Patnaik et al.
Indeed the rhetoric of democracy now consists of a neo-liberal globalising thrust and thrust towards localisation through self rule, diversity and decentralisation Kothari They also argue that despite its macro integration design at the global level, globalisation would reinforce disintegrative tendencies within existing nation states. Patnaik claims that forcible integration of the third world societies into global financial and commodity market producers will produce disunity in these societies forcing their retrogression into a variety of separatist tendencies Patnaik I also reflect briefly on some of the salient characteristics of class formation taking place in the Indian economy.
I then examine the movement for decentral- isation that has been encouraged by the state but which also tends to be guided by the concerns of a transnational cadre that insert their priorities into its agenda. The IT Sector India is one of the important players of the world in the information technology sector and it is one of the fastest growing foreign exchange earner for the country.
This im- plied removal of barriers on imports and pursuance of a free trade policy as specified by the WTO. Prior to , FDI in India was limited to 40 per cent joint ventures and its approval was very time consuming. After , the government introduced new guidelines for extending approval for ventures with upto 51 per cent foreign equity in 13 major industries.
In January , the government opened its securities market to FIIs taking the step towards selling of government debts to overseas markets. The last decade has seen a number of collaborative agreements and strategic alliances between leading multinationals. Strategic alliances typically in automobiles as in Honda city, Fiat and Ford , pharmaceuticals Ranbaxy , biotechnology, information technology, and textiles Arvind Mills substitute earlier international economic transactions.
Prior to , the Indian software industry operated within the framework of a highly regulated model of import substitution-led industrialisation that guided the Indian economy. They lowered import duties on soft- ware and PCs and permitted the import of computers in exchange for software exports at a special low duty. The import of software in any form was permitted and various procedures simplified. The post policy changes were crucial to the growth of the Indian software industry because they allowed domestic producers to exploit domestic resources in global markets.
But the shift to offshore production allowing the programmers to work at facilities in India was only possible following the reforms of the early s, particularly the removal of licenses on imports of industrial equivalent and the establishment of the STPs Software Technology Parks.
Technology was transferred to less developed countries when it entered into maturity and degradation phase. In the decades of s and s transfer of obsolete technology to developing countries was criticised and so was the manner in which multinationals relocated many polluting industries to underdevel- oped countries to skip environmental regulations.
In recent years, taking advantage of the internet and corporate networks global corporations have found it easy to find their service providers in India Mukherji a. The difference in time zones facilitates efficient project execution and gives an opportunity to Indian firms to perform maintenance and engineering tasks for US customers by accessing their computers after regular users have finished their work for the day. Companies have located their operations in Bangalore, Chennai and Pune.
These centres have emerged as branches of leading global players as well as fine academic institutions, IT- focused venture capitalists and innumerable small scale outfits.
Such operations create job op- portunities in Indian cities and help lower costs for foreign companies. Data transcription and transmission for hospitals in the US and telemarketing for US firms is also being undertaken by Indian companies based in various Indian metropolitan cities Mukherji a. The growth of offshore facilities also allows some established Indian companies like Wipro and Infosys to begin building a base of in-house knowledge and to develop internal training programmes, quality processes and productivity tools.
This has transformed Wipro into a multinational that can compete with IBM, Accenture and other global companies. It has led to a qualitative transformation of the economy in three ways. First, the emerging global economy is integrated through information systems and communication technologies rather than hierarchical organisation structures.
Second, the dramatic increase in the scale of technology and intense competitive pressure in relation to prices and product development has led to the reorganisation of its operations both geographically and functionally.
Finally, this sector has been able to secure the benefits of globalisation through strategic transnational alliances and forms of collaborative arrangements that provide a significant advantage to India as compared to other countries in Asia.
Saxenian is of the view that these networks are increasingly structured among diverse actors, the IT start-ups, NRI community members, local uni- versities and research institutions rather than through large multinationals Saxenian According to Carol Upadhya, this industry is distinguished by its close integration into the global economy and its relative autonomy from the old economy dominated by the public sector and national economic class.
In the last decade, the emergence of new kinds of trans- national linkages has been due to the operation of foreign venture capital henceforth VC.
This was possible when changes in financial regulations in permitted the entry of foreign VC funds and institutional investors. Much of the capital came from non-resident Indians especially wealthy entrepreneurs and financers but more significantly VCs provide important inputs such as advice on strategy, technology, management, or human resources Upadhya This transnational business class or capitalist class comprises of NRI technological entrepreneurs, venture capitalists, the founders and top executives of large and medium size Indian IT com- panies and even top managers of MNC software centres in India ibid: There is no doubt that the IT industry has developed a distinctive corporate culture that is more global and multicultural than other sectors of the Indian economy.
Moreover, to view them as part of a transnational ethnic middle class or capitalist class is difficult because their salaries and economic status varies in different countries. This has occurred not because of their ownership of the means of production but because of their access to knowledge systems, technology and information flows. The main charge against the IT sector is that the software boom has exacerbated the brain drain. Programmers in India are increasingly aware of the global demand for their skills and the substantially higher compensation available in more developed economies.
Many thus aspire to work for foreign companies not only for high wages but to be transferred overseas. The concentration of the software industry in a small number of cities in the south has the potential to exacerbate the already desperate rates of growth across states and regions in India Ahluwalia These technological innovations, largely related to the processing of information, will lead to the growth of a relatively small elite of well-paid software engineers and executives and a mass of poorly paid information processors.
Offshore facilities for outsourcing commercial activities has expanded service trade sig- nificantly but it poses challenges for tax authorities in a poor country like India. It has been argued that globalisation can hurt the revenue collecting power of the state in India, more so as capital abundance and capital scarcity within different countries is bound to effect the rules of value creation.
A capital-scarce producer country like India has an interest because it needs to invest the revenues it gets out of trade and commerce in physical and human capital. However, given that foreign direct investment can exit to low tax locations with little economic infrastructure there is an emerging consensus that globalisation constrains redistributive aspect of government.
Recent studies show that social spending in develop- ing countries was negatively affected by globalisation to a much greater extent than in devel- oped countries see Mukherji b: Thus, it is important for IT to become more than an enclave in an otherwise backward econ- omy.
There is a need to develop a wider range of industries and institutions to support the economic and spatial diffusion of IT. Indeed, India should not seek to replicate other tech- nologies or countries beyond a point. There are compelling reasons that India will need to define its own pathway in the IT era. The US economy has the advantage of a large domestic market, a widely educated population, and well functioning infrastructure and regulatory institutions. In India, by contrast, a vast rural, as well as urban population lives in poverty, lacking even minimal levels of education.
Furthermore substantial bureaucratic regulations continue to hinder the modernisation of the private sector. Indian states like Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have pioneered far reaching innovations in the IT sector and raised two concerns crucial for governance in India: a the inadequacy of the infrastructure: telecommunications, roads, airports and power supply; b the cumbersome bureaucratic hurdles and red tapism.
Economic activity requires infrastructure because poor infrastructure adds to costs and creates uncertainty in delivery times, then buyers are likely to seek alternative sources in this competitive global environment ibid.
Given the implications of federalism and state level politics in India, these changes are crucial for improving governance. With the decline of the Congress Party regional forces and leaders have become powerful. For these reasons, the increasing role of private investment has afforded greater autonomy to the states to take the initiative to grow.
The abolition of industrial licensing ensures that private investment would be attracted to the states where productivity gains would be the greatest. This makes it more urgent that infrastructure in the form of power, telecommunications, roads be rapidly improved.
However, fiscal deficits are very high in many states and cause for concern. In the future it is likely that private sector, rather than government would meet most of the enormous infrastructure needs of a growing economy. For good governance, states need to deliver essential services in areas such as health, education, civic amenities, infrastructure and a reliable legal system.
This requires a more accountable bureaucracy that is responsive to public grievances Mukherji b: — But scholars have cautioned that the central government needs to continue to play a role in order to check disparities between regions.
The inequality within the states grew during the reform period. Some scholars argue that relying only on the markets that is part of the neo- liberal agenda will worsen regional disparities and create grave consequences for the political economy Ahluwalia , Bhattacharya and Sakthivel From the discussion above we find in the political economy a growing hold of corporate capitalism that is likely to increase with the growth in the high-tech variety of industries.
These changes will widen the class, caste and regional divisions and increase unemployment following retrenchment and exclusion of people mostly women, child labour and migrants belonging to the unorganised sector Kothari Will these changes in the political economy have an impact on democratic and decentralised politics in India? I attempt to address this question in the next section. Decentralisation and Governance After independence, the government of India embarked upon a path of major social and economic transformation in which the state played a major role.
A structure of centralised ad- ministration in which ministries of agriculture, health and rural development which is primarily state government responsibilities received funds from the central exchequer on the basis of five year plans prepared by the Planning Commission.
This arrangement was carried successfully through the National Development Council, chaired by the Prime Minister through schemes designed by the ministries and often implemented by them through agencies set up by them in a uniform manner across the states. Through central planning, an increasing number of economic activities were placed in the public sector—steel, fertilisers, heavy chemicals, machine tools, hotels along with infrastructure activities.
The civil servants while subject to a code of conduct and to disciplinary action enjoy protection through articles and of the Constitution. Although the impact of these schemes was well below expectations, the civil servants were not accountable to citizens but their seniors in their services.
What resulted in the field was inefficiency and corruption on a massive scale. The result was a people unfriendly local bur- eaucracy that politicians took advantage of for rent seeking activities followed by corruption and inefficiency Vyasulu Despite these problems, the sheer conception of a decentralised development particularly of the Panchayati Raj type has always a great appeal since it represented the spirit of Article 40 in the Directive Principles of State Policy.
The constitution had envisaged that the state shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self government. The Balwant Rai Mehta Committee was the first of its kind that looked into the bureaucratic framework of these local institutions. Despite its claim that community devel- opment could endure when the community was involved, not much was gained.
There are various reasons for this, such as, the political and bureaucratic resistance at the state level to a sharing of power and resources with local level institutions and a takeover of these institutions by the rural elite. The lack of progress in the social sector, in areas like health and education, began to be taken seriously when Ashok Mehta Committee spoke strongly of the need for locally elected governments.
Although the state was engaged with the issue of decentralised democracy, the debate on panchayati raj focused narrowly on how people could be made to participate in the im- plementation and development schemes of the Union Government.
Instead of correcting im- balances in the local power structures that get reflected in the panchayati raj institutions, the latter are viewed as a vehicle for progressive social transformation. Critics of decentralisation point to the lack of control by local authorities over the allocation of funds, their planning capabilities and the design of macro-economic policy, and to the undemocratic nature of the selection of local officials.
A new phase of decentralised democracy to overcome these problems began with the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution which devolved power to institutions of local self government. Apart from reserved seats for the scheduled castes and tribes provision was also made for one third of the seats to be reserved for women representatives.
The amendments enabled the state legislatures to endow the panchayats with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as institutions of self-government Jayal The idea of giving constitutional status to the panchayati raj institutions is sometimes viewed as a state response to the increasing recognition that the institutional initiatives of the preceeding decades had not delivered the goods. However the decentralisation of government for the most part can be traced back to initiatives from below.
In , the National Perspective Plan for Women suggested that a 30 per cent quota for women be introduced at all levels of elective bodies. This process had created some of the mechanisms and conditions for popular participation in public decision-making. Along with this, the governance agenda favoured by multilateral agencies, like the World Bank, pro- moted and funded participation through a network of non-governmental organisations.
They focused on women empowerment, environmental conservation and compensation to people displaced by large projects. They funded NGOs to reach relatively inaccessible areas and for their capacity for innovation and experimentation.
The trend towards decentralisation due to pressure from grassroots is evident in the way laws like the Official Secrets Act that governed civil servants have been critically assessed. It has led to serious introspection about the lack of information with citizens about the develop- ment establishment and its administration. The right to access government records was an assertion of many democratic principles and a claim on a share of governance.
The right to information campaign includes public hearings, institutionalisation of RTI through social audit forces and equal standards of transparency and accountability on the users of information that include NGOs and citizen groups see Roy and Dey Legislation on right to information has been passed in several states in India.
And even though the resulting laws have been far from perfect, they may still recognise these as solid achievements by the people at the local level. In the face of globalisation, decentralisation seems to offer the most feasible way to create a more just political process in India.
So those who worry about the demise of the nation state in India have turned to the emancipatory potential of local-level institutions Kothari A consensus seems to be emerging among critics of the nation state, multilateral agencies and NGOs that the idea of participation—whether it is equity-based or agency-based privileges— the idea of the community and the local.
What is surprising is that the privileging of the local space is linked to the decline in the capacity of the nation state. Now, while it might be correct to argue that most sources of community problems lie beyond their spatial boundaries, organising around communities may reinforce the very patronage caste and religion driven political mobilisation in the first place.
The context of decentral- isation has also changed making these dilemmas appear greater than ever. On the one hand, the electoral triumphs of lower caste groups and women promise greater representation and accountability and on the other, economic restructuring, income inequality and continuing poverty undermine and wipe out the gains of local actions.
I would argue that this terrain of the local is fairly problematic. In its basic form many proponents forget that the local is a space of internal differentiation and power contestation.
If by civil society we mean voluntary associations of citizens, then this interpretation will find it difficult to accommodate the existence of a variety of global NGOs that are not created through a democratic process or lack representation from local people. Many of them have their own agendas and adopt a very professional approach towards local problems. In this way, citizens are unlikely to engage with them or influence their agendas.
Although many NGOs have demanded transparency and accountability from public agencies, they have for the most part, been fairly vulnerable to similar charges.
Finally, the question of consultation and accountability central to the idea of democratic citizenship is not possible if most agendas affecting the local originate elsewhere. State and Cultural Nationalism The movement to centre stage by BJP in contemporary Indian politics raises theoretical and political issues of great complexity. Although the dramatic rise of cultural nationalism in India has been possible due to the resources found in our own anti-colonial heritage there have been other explanations as well.
It is evident that the evolution of democratic institutions in India has led to ideological and structural transformations. In the years after independ- ence, political mobilisation based on language, religion or region were unleashed. The political assertions of the historically disadvantaged lower castes, primarily the dalits and the castes designated as the Other Backward Classes undermined the rigidity of the caste system.
But the militant Hindu right wing—the Sangh Parivar—has asserted what they consider the claims of a culturally majoritarian community. Another explanation is that since the s, there has been intensification of ethnic, religious and nationalist movements in various parts of the world as a result of the processes of globalisation and its link with the economic immiserisation and marginalisation of popu- lations.
The principal ground for their ascendance has been a critique of the premises of the secular nationalist project. The appeal to a Hindu identity with its emphasis on culture and Hinduism became a rallying point in mo- ments of perceived Muslim threat in a multicultural society. In this situation, BJP offered a distinctive identity for the fears and anxieties of the Hindu community and later the political cooptation of the scheduled castes and tribes were attempts to strengthen the legitimacy of the BJP amongst its political constituency.
But the political rhetoric in the last decade is quite different from its earlier statements and understanding this difference is essential in coming to terms with the new political terrain. The mechanisms through which this change has occurred include a combination of electoral politics, resurgence of religious identity and their popular mobilisation. In May , they were further changes related to the politics of cultural nationalism that arose with the BJP.
The first is the change in political thinking that reduced the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led National Democratic Alliance government to a minority in the 14th parlia- mentary elections. The voters also rejected important coalition partners at the state level, Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra Pradesh, S. Krishna in Karnataka and J. Jayalalitha in Tamil Nadu. One obvious reason for this defeat is inner party disputes and differences among the coalition partners within the BJP.
The other factor relevant for the argument of this chapter is that government claims about the economic growth and development the country achieved were inaccurate.
Middle class consumerist dreams without being matched by distributive justice that were sold to rural folk living in abject poverty were completely rejected. Today we still are confronted on the one hand with a militant Hindu revivalism trying to define India in terms of an upper caste Sanskritic Hindu identity an ethno-cultural conception of the nation and on the other hand, with voices from below from tribals, dalits, religious, linguistic and ethnic groups which are demanding acceptance of their cultural identity along with distributive justice.
The forces of globalisation represented by transnational corporations and international bureaucrats are a significant source of the change that has set limits both to state sovereignty and demo- cratic citizenship. Globalisation is characterised by a basic asymmetry of scope between pol- itical and economic organisations or between nation states and national markets.
These networks transfer wealth and capital across national boundaries and deepen and extend the nature of the international division of labour triggering changes in class formation. This perspective is important in the light of the growing awareness that state capacity and authority are essential for protecting rights of citizens. Having said that I argued that the state is being displaced as the centre of economic activity and its sovereignty is being undermined in areas of foreign trade, taxation and contract laws.
This erosion of economic sovereignty can be explained by the location of the Indian economy, its place in the international financial system and its relations with other international organisations.
Meanwhile, the state in India has notably withdrawn from public expenditure in the social sector but it is misleading to assume the demise of the nation state because this fails to see the relationship between nation, state and democracy. If the market economy marginalises sections of society and denies public goods to a majority of the people then the government as an accountable institution has to intervene otherwise its political authority will be called into question through electoral politics and civil society organisations.
Indeed the same government may rely upon the politics of cultural majoritarianism to assert its authority. These actions have seriously challenged the nation state framework for resolving minority rights.
My argument is, whatever the character of globalisation, it has led to growing social in- equalities, greater social polarisation and increasing transfer of state resources to transnational capital.
The distributive consequences of globalisation cannot be separated from the analyses of ownership and control of institutions, the class structure and the state. Thus, there is a need to make globalisation more democratic, not just through decentralisation, and such other institutional changes at the global level, both of the United Nations and intergovern- mental type, but through a process of looking for new alternatives for dispersal of power among citizens.
Notes 1. An introductory point is necessary to distinguish between two aspects of what is bundled together in the concept of the nation state. Broadly, the idea of nation has been understood in two ways in modern times—nations as cultural communities and nations as political communities. The former views community as based on objective characteristics such as common heritage, language, a distinct territory, shared religion, customs and history. In its more recent versions, cultural nationalism is characterised by a commitment to one particular ethnic, religious or linguistic group over others.
Political nationalism highlights political values, citizenship and loyalty for the nation. This describes the way a political community that occupies a defined territory is organised under the political authority of the state. Throughout this chapter, I use the term nation state and state as having overlapping concerns although I am aware that the latter is commonly used as a legal concept.
The characterisation of the modern state as a nation state and being composed of culturally homogenous people is also inaccurate although it is very much alive. It gives rise to a range of complex issues that are outside the scope of this chapter. There are three schools of thought on globalisation, the hyperglobalisers, skeptics and the transform- ationalists. For more see introduction to Held et al. There are many definitions of globalisation.
Harold Levitt and Kenichi Ohmae promised boundless prosperity in their earlier writings whereas Paul Kennedy and Dani Rodrik warned about our lack of structures to deal with a global world. Some scholars see it as set of processes inscribed within the structures of the capitalist mode of production.
They see it as something inevitable to which necessary alterations can be made. From this perspective, the challenge for a particular country is to adjust to changes in the world economy under the most favourable terms. Others view it as the outcome of a consciously pursued strategy or the political project of a transnational capitalist class. See Petras and Veltmeyer The origins of globalisation are a contested issue see Held et al.
World system theorists view the expansion of European capitalism in the 16th century as the beginning of this process. Some see globalisation as arriving only after Second World War.
I believe that although the end of the cold war signified the opening of a new chapter in the history of the globalisation of capital, it is useful to remember that capitalism is by its nature global in character.
During the 19th century globalisation, rate of export of capital, international trade, migration was much more, but in the matter of communications the volume, range, density and speed of global communications today are far superior to those in the 19th century.
Due to the limited nature of this chapter I do not explore the two strands in the concept of citizenship, the strand with its origins in Greek polity, civic republicanism participatory model , and the modern liberal strand focus on citizen as bearer of rights against the state. In India most debates rage around the range of social citizenship. Theorists particularly those who are committed to a civic republican conception of citizenship are deeply suspicious of cosmopolitan citizenship which they view as endangering democratic forms of government Mouffe David Held tries to develop a sociological understanding of cosmopolitan democratic governance.
He argues that the autonomy of the nation state is severely limited by global processes as sovereignty is divided between national, regional and international agencies.
He is principally concerned with democratising formal political institutions at the international and transnational levels. There is a narrative of globalisation that links it with the unraveling of pax Americana in the early s.
Due to lack of space I shall not focus on these aspects in this chapter. See Chatterjee The s and s witnessed a dramatic upsurge in the popularity of the BJP and its ideologically disparate partners.
Although, they did not speak in a single voice, proponents of hindutva identified nationalism with a rediscovery, redefinition and reaffirmation of Hindu uniqueness. The use of political power for promotion of cultural nationalism further led to inter-community polarisation and set aside the discourse on distributive justice. I will not go into the debate regarding whether these economic reforms could have been averted or not.
See Sachs, Varshney and Bajpai, eds. Again there is an extensive literature on governance that follows different theoretical approaches. According to Martin Doornbos, it was vague enough to include both donor and academic definitions. The row over quotas is an illustration of my view that I develop in the end of this chapter. The row became more intense as manufacturers in USA argued that China would destroy the American textile industry. They wanted their government to maintain 15 of the 91 quotas that was to expire at the end of This whole debate shows how globalisation can affect different classes and nations differently.
Since the s neo-liberalism has been used for global market liberalism and for free trade policies. Many scholars are of the view that the brunt of the capitalist globalisation process has been borne by labour, the restructuring of which in effect has been the major mechanism of structural adjust- ment.
For more, see Petras and Veltmeyer Due to the scope of this chapter I do not examine definitions of nationalism; nationalism as modernisation; nationalism as a religion; nationalism as construction of language and literature; nationalism as a discourse of gender, sexuality and ethnicity. Software Technology Parks is like an export processing zone for software.
It gives guaranteed access to high speed satellite links and reliable electricity. References Anderson, James London and New York: Routledge.
Ahluwalia, Montek. Krueger eds. New Delhi: Oxford Univer- sity Press. Bhattacharya, B. Sakthivel Bhaduri, Amit Bhagwati, Jagdish Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bohman, James F. Chandhoke, N. Anheir, M.
Glasius, and M. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chatterjee, P. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Day, G. Doornbos, Martin Emerson, Rupert Boston: Beacon Press. Falk, R. Predatory Globalization: A Critique. Oxford: Polity. Griffin, Keith Haynes, Jeff Religion in Global Politics. Harlow: Longman. Harriss, John New Delhi: Leftworld. Morales, Jr. Jump to Page.
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